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 Table of contents:   A review of the Danish, Dutch and UK approaches to this special form of technology assessment Next Document: 2.   Conference 
  
 
1. Introduction
In recent years, the relationship between science and the public has 
	become a subject of increasing concern and activity across much of the 
	industrialized world. (Throughout this report, the word "science" is used 
	to denote all of the natural, the life and the medical sciences and their 
	associated technologies; and the word "public" is used to denote the 
	members of the general community in their roles as citizens or 
	"lay people" rather than as scientists or technical experts.) Throughout 
	western Europe, efforts have been made to monitor levels of public 
	interest in, understanding of and attitudes towards science; and at the 
	same time, numerous practical initiatives have been launched with a 
	view to promoting greater public awareness and understanding of science 
	(Durant, 1994). 
Recent events in the United Kingdom illustrate well the general trend. 
	In 1983, the Royal Society of London set up an ad hoc group under the 
	chairmanship of Dr (now, Sir) Walter Bodmer to investigate the public 
	understanding of science. The publication of the Bodmer Report in 1985 
	led to: the creation of a major research programme on the public 
	understanding of science funded by the Economic and Social Research 
	Council (ESRC); the establishment of a standing Committee for the Public 
	Understanding of Science (COPUS); and the launch of several new practical 
	programmes such as science writing prizes, a media fellowship scheme 
	and a small grant scheme for the support of efforts to popularize science 
	in the community (Royal Society, 1985). In 1993, a UK government white 
	paper on science made the promotion of public awareness of science a 
	part of science policy for the first time (H M Government, 1993). 
There are many more-or-less obvious reasons for the recent growth of 
	concern and activity about the relationship between science and the 
	general public. From the point of view of the scientific community, efforts 
	to promote greater public understanding of science may be regarded as: 
	first, a part of the educational investment that helps to secure continuing 
	recruitment of suitably talented and trained young people into the scientific 
	community; second, a part of the educational investment that helps to 
	secure a suitably trained work-force that is capable of utilizing scientific 
	innovation within industry; and third, a part of the public relations 
	investment that helps to secure continuing public support for the process 
	of scientific innovation. 
From the point of view of the public, efforts to promote greater public 
	understanding of science may be regarded as a response to the enormously 
	influential role of science in modern industrialized societies. Culturally, 
	science is a recognized source of authority and legitimation in industrial 
	societies; practically, science has multiple influences on everyday life in 
	industrialized societies; and politically, science is involved in many key 
	issues of public policy in industrialized societies. For cultural, practical and 
	political reasons, therefore, it has become increasingly widely accepted 
	that the public should possess at least a minimal acquaintance with both 
	the processes and the products of scientific inquiry. (For lengthier reviews 
	of these issues, see Durant, 1990, 1993.) 
There is one further and vitally important reason why the public 
	understanding of science has come to assume particular importance in 
	recent years. Throughout the last quarter of the twentieth century, 
	scientific innovations have become increasingly socially sensitive. By this, 
	we mean that in addition to purely technical and economic considerations 
	scientific innovations have commonly raised wider moral, social, legal and 
	political issues that have become the focus of considerable public interest, 
	public concern and public debate. Obvious examples here include public 
	controversies over the environmental and human health impacts of new 
	industrial technologies such as civil nuclear power, and public anxieties 
	about the ethical implications of new medical technologies such as in vitro 
	fertilization, genetic diagnosis and organ transplantation. 
Social sensitivity in the sense in which we have defined it means that 
	continuing public support for the process of scientific innovation cannot 
	be simply taken for granted; rather, it must be continually won through 
	the creation and the preservation of a healthy relationship between science 
	and the public. A great deal of the literature on public attitudes towards 
	science suggests that the single most important ingredient in the 
	maintenance of positive (i.e., generally supportive) attitudes is public 
	confidence or trust in the institutions of science. For example, well-known 
	cases in which sections of the public have appeared to differ from scientists 
	over the relative risks associated with particular technologies have 
	been interpreted as reflections of underlying public distrust of scientific 
	institutions (see, for example, Turner and Wynne, 1992). 
Where science is socially sensitive, the question arises: how should public 
	interests and concerns be identified and incorporated into the processes 
	of science policymaking? In the UK, for example, public planning inquiries 
	and Royal Commissions have acted as forums before which a variety of 
	experts and lay people have been able to present conflicting arguments 
	and evidence concerning particular socially sensitive scientific developments. 
	In addition, governmental regulatory agencies have sometimes called for 
	public inputs to the policy-making process. For example, the UK Human 
	Fertilization and Embryology Authority (HFEA) recently invited public 
	responses to a document setting out some of the ethical issues involved 
	in new methods of assisted reproduction such as the use of ova from human 
	foetuses and cadavers for purposes of in vitro fertilization (HFEA, 1993). 
In this report, we consider a rather different and relatively new method 
	by which public interests and concerns may be identified and incorporated 
	into the processes of science policy-making: the "consensus conference". 
	A consensus conference is a forum in which lay people develop and put 
	forward their views on socially sensitive scientific questions through dialogue 
	with experts. Although the term consensus conference has its origins in the 
	USA, where it was first used in connection with organized dialogues 
	between panels of medical experts (Jacobs, 1993), it was taken up by the 
	Danish Board of Technology (DBT) in the 1980s to describe a new form of 
	technology assessment involving a panel of lay people chosen on the 
	basis of national advertisements. Over the past 8 years the DBT has 
	organized a series of consensus conferences on subjects such as food 
	irradiation (1989) and technological animals (1992). In 1993, the Dutch 
	followed the Danish initiative by organizing a consensus conference on the 
	subject of genetic modification of animals; and also in 1993, the UK 
	Agricultural and Food Research Council announced that it was to fund the 
	Science Museum, London, to organize a first UK national consensus 
	conference on plant biotechnology. 
The Danes have clearly come to regard the consensus conference as 
	a valuable contribution to public policy-making in socially sensitive areas 
	of science. The Dutch are still considering their experience with a first 
	consensus conference in 1993; and in the UK, the first national consensus 
	conference which will take place later this year will be thoroughly evaluated 
	in order to determine the potential value of this novel procedure in other 
	areas of science policy. 
In this report, we summarize and draw lessons from the European 
	experience to date with Danish-style consensus conferences. The report 
	comprises four main sections. First, we define and characterize the 
	consensus conference. Second, we assess consensus conferences as a 
	form of technology assessment in the light of the Danish, the Dutch and 
	the UK experience. Third, we describe in more detail the organization of a 
	consensus conference, with particular reference to the current planning 
	of the UK consensus conference on plant biotechnology, in which we are 
	both personally involved. Fourth, we make recommendations regarding 
	the proposed Swiss national consensus conference on biotechnology. 
			 
			 
			
			
			
			
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